PDF Summary:Black Like Me, by John Howard Griffin

If you could spend several weeks in the body of someone of a different race, would you? In 1959, one man tried to do this. White journalist John Howard Griffin darkened his skin to appear like a Black man, then traveled for six weeks throughout the segregated Southern US. Griffin predicted that he’d experience racial discrimination, and he hoped this outcome would convince white Americans that the US was not the racism-free country they thought it was. In Black Like Me, Griffin’s account of his journey, he argues that his hypothesis was correct: Black Southerners faced brutal racism.

In this guide, we’ll describe Griffin’s experiences passing as a Black man and share his conclusions about Southern race relations. Throughout this guide, we’ll contextualize Griffin’s experiences and ideas by exploring the history of racism according to experts such as Ibram X. Kendi and Michelle Alexander. Furthermore, we’ll outline critics’ opinions of this controversial book. Finally, we’ll examine the relevance of Griffin’s ideas to life today.

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Type 2: Threats of Violence

Second, Griffin argues that racism created the constant threat of white violence, which forced Black people to be hypervigilant. Griffin claims that he experienced this threat firsthand when a white man followed him for multiple blocks, harassing him with racist slurs. He and Black Southerners dealt with this constant threat in two ways:

• First, they carefully controlled their behavior to avoid being perceived as threatening. For instance, Griffin learned to speak in a polite, gentle tone of voice around white people.
• Second, Black people had to be perpetually aware of the white people around them so they could respond to early warning signs of violence.

Black Americans Continue to Experience Hypervigilance

Today, many Black Americans continue to experience hypervigilance as they navigate a world that frequently stereotypes them and subjects them to violence. In his 2019 memoir What Doesn’t Kill You Makes You Blacker, Damon Young speaks to this experience, claiming that he’s constantly hyper-aware of how others may perceive his Blackness (such as when he’s walking down the street wearing a hoodie). He jokes that this constant fear is more thrilling than cliff diving. Furthermore, interviews with Black youth reveal that they experience hypervigilance in the presence of police: They feel the need to frequently survey their surroundings and adjust their behaviors to minimize their chances of becoming the victims of police brutality.

Psychologists claim that hypervigilance takes a toll on Black people’s mental health. They classify hypervigilance as a symptom of PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder). Hypervigilance also takes a toll on Black people’s physical health. For example, a recent study revealed that Black Americans who fear for their safety as a racial minority suffer from high blood pressure.

To address the negative toll of hypervigilance on Black people’s mental and physical health, one psychologist names several solutions. She claims that we must increase mental health support for Black people: for instance, through community support groups. She also argues that we must fight the racism that forces Black people to be hypervigilant in the first place.

Insight 3: Black Southerners Had Strategies for Navigating Racism

Although Griffin makes it clear that Black Southerners experienced overwhelming racism in their daily lives, he doesn’t portray them as helpless victims. He claims that Black Southerners developed strategies for surviving everyday racism. Let’s explore three of these strategies.

Strategy 1: Protective Compassion

First, Griffin was struck by the immense compassion Black Southerners showed him and each other—compassion that exceeded the typical kindness of strangers. He asserts that they did so to compensate for the harm of racism and to offer protection from racial hatred. For instance, a young Black student walked with Griffin for two miles to show him to the closest theater; a Black man Griffin met on the bus helped him to find a safe ride home and a hotel; and several Black families generously invited Griffin to stay in their homes, despite their poverty.

Strategy 2: Exchanging Advice

Second, Griffin claims that while he was disguised as a Black man, he noticed that Black Southerners frequently exchanged advice on safely navigating everyday racism. For example, when Black passengers seated near Griffin on the bus learned that he was from out of town, they shared advice on social norms he must follow to keep safe in this new city.

Large-Scale Mutual Support Among Black Americans

Griffin’s accounts of Black people’s protective compassion and advice-giving focus on individual acts of kindness and support. However, mutual support among Black people goes beyond these one-off instances of individuals helping individuals. There’s a long history of Black mutual aid communities in the US. These Black-led groups provided (and continue to provide) Black communities with resources in times when the government has failed to do so. Here are several examples of Black mutual aid efforts throughout history as well as today:

• During the 18th and 19th centuries, several US societies such as the New York African Society for Mutual Relief and the Phoenix Society provided Black community members with everything from health insurance to clothing.

• In the 1950s, several Black women in Alabama formed The Club from Nowhere, a mutual aid group that ran bake sales to help fund the Montgomery Bus Boycott.

• Starting in the 1960s, The Black Panther Party ran a free breakfast program for Black children. Churches, individuals, and stores donated enough food to feed 20,000 children breakfast every morning before school.

• Starting in 2020, many Black people began mutual aid networks to serve communities of color that were hit hard by the Covid-19 pandemic. Some of these networks take inspiration from the Black Panther Party’s efforts decades ago.

These mutual aid efforts illustrate that throughout history, Black people have organized large-scale support networks that enable their survival.

Strategy 3: Striving For Dignity

Finally, Griffin argues that Black Southerners who faced racism still strove for dignity. They engaged in subtle acts of resistance that conveyed their refusal to be degraded.

For example, on a bus ride, Griffin and several Black passengers noticed that the white bus driver only told white passengers to watch their step as they entered and exited. At one point, a group of white people approached the door to exit, and they were followed by a Black woman. When the bus driver told the group of white people to watch their step, the Black woman politely responded, “Thank you.” This small act of resistance infuriated the white bus driver—and brought the bus’s Black passengers some momentary joy.

(Shortform note: In The Jim Crow Routine, Stephen Berrey argues that while subtle, spontaneous acts of resistance like the one Griffin describes here may seem insignificant compared to major acts (such as revolution), small forms of defiance were still impactful. He explains that such acts had two effects: 1) They gave Black people a sense of control, and 2) they reminded white people that they weren’t superior. These two effects weakened the force of Jim Crow laws, which (as previously noted) were designed to make white people feel superior in interracial spaces. For example, Black Southerners were expected to make room on the sidewalk for white people passing by, but Black residents often refused to do so.)

Theme 2: There Were Significant Challenges to Ending Systemic Racism

During his time in the Deep South, Griffin didn’t only witness these acts of individual racism and Black people’s responses to them. He argues that the racism Black people experienced was systemic: It was a network of racist policies that limited their rights and opportunities. He noticed examples of systemic racism in areas such as employment, politics, education, and justice. In this section, we’ll outline three main challenges that Griffin claims are barriers to ending systemic racism in the South.

(Shortform note: Although Griffin doesn’t use the term “systemic racism” in his book, we use it here because Griffin’s description of Southern racism aligns with definitions of this modern phrase. For instance, in So You Want to Talk About Race, Ijeoma Oluo describes systemic racism as power structures that reinforce racial prejudice. Like Griffin’s description of Southern networks of racist policies, Oluo’s definition emphasizes that systemic racism encompasses laws and rules that marginalize racial minorities.)

Challenge 1: Racial Oppression Sowed Divisions Among Black Southerners

Griffin claims that racism turned Black Southerners against each other, preventing them from forming a united front against systemic racism. Let’s explore which of Griffin’s experiences led him to this conclusion.

First, Griffin’s conversations with several Black Southerners revealed to him this lack of Black unity. For instance, a Black cafe owner expressed to Griffin that Black people sometimes competed with each other for white approval. The cafe owner explained that there was a social hierarchy among Black people: Some darker-skinned Black people idolized light-skinned Black people because they were closer to whiteness, and some light-skinned Black people gained a sense of superiority from this treatment. Griffin and the cafe owner agreed that these interactions prevented Black people from identifying their common struggle and fighting together against systemic racism.

(Shortform note: Today, people sometimes use the term “scarcity mentality” to describe the competitive mindset that people with marginalized identities often develop. When you have a scarcity mentality, you believe that there’s a finite amount of resources (such as money or approval) and that you must compete with others to get enough of these resources. Some experts claim that as capitalism arose in the 17th century, leaders with economic power forced a scarcity mentality upon oppressed groups. They created divisions among lower classes, such as the divisions between dark- and light-skinned Black people, so that these groups would focus on competing with each other for resources rather than working together to topple the power structure.)

Second, Griffin clarifies that this lack of unity among Black people existed because they were oppressed—not because they were inherently uncooperative. Specifically, oppression caused them to treat other Black people as inferior. Griffin reasons that some were uncomfortable with their own Blackness, so they took out their discomfort on other Black people by belittling them.

What Is Colorism, and What Can We Do About It?

The phenomenon that the cafe owner describes to Griffin is an example of colorism (a term coined by novelist Alice Walker in the 1980s). As Ibram X. Kendi explains in How to Be an Antiracist, colorism is a form of prejudice or discrimination that typically favors people with lighter skin over those with darker skin. Kendi traces colorism back to the 17th century when slaveholders perpetuated the idea that light-skinned enslaved people were closer to the “ideal” of whiteness. These enslavers assigned lighter-skinned Black people skilled labor rather than the physically demanding work they assigned to darker-skinned Black people.

Modern scholars’ ideas on colorism support Griffin’s observation that colorism creates divisions within Black communities. Research on internalized oppression illuminates how colorism sows divisions. Internalized oppression is when marginalized groups believe the stereotypes that oppress them, such as colorist stereotypes. According to psychologists, when members of a marginalized group don't have the opportunity to direct their frustration at the source of their oppression, they direct their frustration toward themselves or toward those who share their identities. Griffin observed internalized oppression in action when he noticed Southerners taking out their internalized discomfort with their own Blackness on other Black people.

Furthermore, scholars share Griffin’s view that these divisions within marginalized groups aren’t the fault of those groups. Rather, those with more power are at fault because they maintain oppressive structures (such as racism, economic inequality, and sexism). This is why some argue that it’s white people’s responsibility to end white supremacy—since white people created racist ideas and hold more political and social power to dismantle systemic racism.

Although oppressed groups aren’t responsible for creating the forms of oppression that marginalize them (such as colorism), some argue that oppressed groups still have a responsibility to resist internalized oppression when they encounter it within their communities. One writer argues that Black people can do this by identifying instances of colorism within their communities, tracing these prejudices back to their roots in early racism, and openly discussing how to stop spreading these harmful beliefs.

Challenge 2: Barriers Exist Between Black and White Southerners

While on his journey, Griffin not only noticed divisions among Black Southerners, but he also noticed divisions between Black and white Southerners who shared a commitment to advancing Black civil rights. Griffin argues that communication barriers and misunderstandings between Black and white antiracists bred mistrust and stymied racial progress. Let’s further explore two of these barriers.

Barrier 1: White Activists Excluded Black Activists

First, Griffin claims that many white civil rights activists failed to include Black people in their discussions and plans, which reduced Black people’s trust in white activists. Black people interpreted their exclusion as evidence that white people didn’t value Black people’s ideas. This deepened their distrust of white activists’ intentions and efforts.

(Shortform note: Today, people sometimes refer to white racial justice activists’ exclusion of non-white activists as a symptom of a “white savior complex.” This is when a white person attempts to rescue people of color (POC) from oppression. This behavior is often rooted in white people’s belief that they know what’s best for POC. White saviorism is problematic because it patronizes POC and reduces their autonomy. Some claim that instead of being saviors, white people seeking to be antiracist should instead be white co-conspirators: supporters who follow the lead of POC fighting racism. For example, white co-conspirators fundraise for POC-led groups, amplify the stories and opinions of POC, and advocate for antiracist policies.)

Barrier 2: White People Felt Defensive

Second, Griffin argues that white people who saw themselves as antiracist often became offended and frustrated when Black people expressed distrust toward them. Additionally, white people got angry when they felt that Black people weren’t grateful for their support.

(Shortform note: Griffin’s claims about white defensiveness align with Robin DiAngelo’s idea of white fragility (which she explores in her book, White Fragility). According to DiAngelo, white fragility is when white people become frustrated or defensive when they’re accused of being racist. She explains that white people often have this reaction because they interpret these accusations as claims that they’re “bad people.” DiAngelo argues that this interpretation reflects a misunderstanding of how racism works. Racism isn’t just the sum of individual racists’ actions: It’s a system of racist policies that marginalize racial minorities. Therefore, even if you consider yourself a “good person,” you may still be complicit in racism and responsible for fighting it.)

Challenge 3: Oppression Was Hard to Escape

Finally, Griffin claims that the systemic racism Black Southerners faced made it hard for them to escape oppression. Systemic racism deprived Black Southerners of opportunities and resources to advance their rights. When they resisted this racism, they were persecuted for doing so. In this section, we’ll explore four factors that contributed to this cycle of oppression.

Factor 1: Black People Faced Barriers to Economic Mobility

Griffin argues that Black Southerners faced barriers to overcoming poverty for two main reasons. First, Black Southerners lacked job opportunities due to their lack of education as well as discriminatory hiring practices. Griffin experienced this barrier while disguised as a Black man: In his six weeks in the Deep South, he searched relentlessly for work but employers (who were usually white) repeatedly turned him down.

(Shortform note: Historians add that even when Black Southerners found jobs, those jobs paid poorly due to Jim Crow laws. White leaders separated white and Black workers by ensuring white workers had access to well-paying jobs and Black workers could only access low-paying work, such as factory jobs and roles as domestic workers.)

Second, Griffin claims that Black people faced barriers to economic mobility because debt kept Black families in poverty. Several Black men Griffin formed friendships with lamented that very few jobs available to them paid them enough to support their families. This plunged them into debt that was nearly impossible to escape. According to Griffin, white men intentionally kept Black men in debt to ensure they’d remain below them on the social ladder.

(Shortform note: Historians corroborate Griffin’s claim that white people used debt to keep Black families poor. For example, many Black farming families in the South inherited debt from previous generations. Following the Civil War, most newly-freed Black farmers could only find jobs working as sharecroppers on white-owned farms (an arrangement in which Black farmers paid a portion of their crops as rent for using the land). These Black farmers had to take out loans from the landowners to pay for their farming materials, and they often went into debt because white landowners underpaid them and charged them high interest rates. These Black farmers’ children inherited this debt, starting a cycle of intergenerational debt.)

Factor 2: Black People Faced an Unjust Justice System

Second, Griffin claims that Southern criminal justice failed to protect Black citizens. Griffin observed Black people’s frustration with the unfairness of Southern justice following the recent lynching of Mack Charles Parker, a young Black man from Mississippi. After Parker was accused of raping a white woman, a mob of white men kidnapped and lynched him—and the men in this mob were never indicted for murder. Black people expressed to Griffin that this case was evidence of an unjust system that favored white people.

(Shortform note: Following the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and others, many experts have drawn parallels between these murders and the justice systems that failed to protect Southern Black citizens from lynch mobs in the past. For instance, over 60 experts on UN rights recently issued a statement calling on the US to address instances of racist police brutality, claiming that these acts are modern-day lynchings.)

Factor 3: Racial Justice Efforts Were Suppressed

Third, Griffin argues that many efforts to advance Black people’s civil rights were suppressed. Several Black people shared with Griffin that when people (of any race) tried to fight for racial justice, they were accused of being “anti-American.” When civil rights activists traveled the country to give talks on anti-racism, they were often followed and harassed.

(Shortform note: In Stamped From the Beginning, Ibram X. Kendi clarifies some of the historical events that set the stage for these accusations and efforts to stamp out antiracist activism. In 1950, Wisconsin senator Joseph McCarthy launched what people now call the Second Red Scare. This effort aimed to rid the US of Communist ideas and those who espoused them, out of fear that these people sided with the Soviets in the Cold War. This period led to paranoia and skepticism surrounding anyone who was considered remotely anti-American, including antiracist activists who criticized Southern segregation laws. Many antiracists were harassed, fired, threatened, and arrested under the pretense that they were anti-American communists.)

Griffin elaborates that efforts to suppress antiracist resistance perpetuated the myth that racism didn’t exist. He explains that Black people were caught in a double bind: If they spoke up about racism, they were criticized or harassed for being “anti-American.” If they didn’t speak up, people wouldn’t hear their experiences of racism. Either way, Black people were silenced and other Americans continued believing the myth that racism didn’t exist.

Oppressive Double Binds

One philosophy professor argues that double binds, such as that which Griffin describes, are a feature of all forms of oppression. She defines an “oppressive double bind” as a situation in which you have two choices—to resist your oppression or not—and either way, you reinforce your own oppression. If you choose to stay silent about your oppression, it continues. But if you do speak up, you face oppression for speaking up.

For example, imagine you’re a gay man who’s stereotyped and harassed for being “oversensitive.” If you say nothing, your harassers won’t stop. But if you do speak up, your harassers may interpret your complaints as further evidence that you’re oversensitive.

The philosophy professor argues that because oppressive double binds constrain your options, you should forgive yourself for having to make “imperfect choices.” You shouldn’t be overly self-critical when you choose to be silent about your oppression or resist it. Instead, you should recognize that when you face oppression, your choices are constrained and there’s no perfect option.

For instance, the gay man might choose to be silent to protect himself—or he might choose to speak up so he has the satisfaction of being courageous. Both choices are imperfect because neither leads to the ultimate goal—complete freedom from oppression. However, the man should forgive himself for making either choice because it’s not his fault that homophobia put him into an oppressive double bind.

Factor 4: Antiblack Stereotypes Were Challenging to Escape

Finally, Griffin argues that it was challenging for Black people to escape antiblack stereotypes because these stereotypes trapped them in a vicious cycle of oppression. Let’s break down the steps of this cycle as Griffin sees them.

Step 1: Oppression. As previously noted, systemic racism deprived Black people of dignity and opportunities to thrive.

Step 2: Violence and escape. According to Griffin, many Black Southerners engaged in “immoral” behavior because systemic racism robbed them of opportunities, dignity, and power. He explains that their anger about this racism often turned to violence, and they found refuge in physical forms of escape (such as sex and drugs). Griffin argues that these behaviors weren’t evidence that Black people were innately violent and indulgent—rather, these behaviors reflected the harmful circumstances of oppression and what it pushed Black people to do.

Step 3: Stereotype formation. White people mistakenly assumed that Black people’s “immoral” behaviors reflected their innate characteristics, rather than the circumstances of oppression. As a result, white people formed and perpetuated antiblack stereotypes.

Step 4: Further oppression. White people used racist stereotypes as evidence that Black people were inferior and didn’t deserve the same civil rights and opportunities as white people. This further perpetuated Black people’s oppression—and it strengthened these stereotypes. The cycle continued, making it increasingly hard for Black people to escape these stereotypes (and racial oppression more generally).

Modern-Day Experts’ Ideas on Racial Oppression

Ideas from today’s experts on racism both overlap with and differ from the ideas Griffin expresses about the cycle of oppression. Let’s compare and contrast their perspectives with each of the steps in Griffin’s cycle.

Step 1: Oppression. In Black Like Me, Griffin mostly explores the oppression faced by Black men. As Ijeoma Oluo explains in So You Want to Talk About Race, the concept of intersectionality recognizes that someone who has more than one marginalized identity may experience racism differently. Therefore, a Black woman may experience Griffin’s cycle of oppression differently than a Black man might since she experiences both racism and sexism. For instance, some writers claim that Black women experience the effects of colorism more than Black men do because colorism closely involves beauty standards and women face extra pressure to be beautiful.

Step 2: Violence and escape. Griffin’s idea that oppression leads Black people to engage in immoral behavior is an example of what Ibram X. Kendi calls the “oppression-inferiority thesis” in How to Be An Antiracist. This is the idea that oppressive systems make you inferior. Kendi traces the root of this idea to the 19th century when abolitionists were trying to end slavery. Some abolitionists tried to persuade people to join their efforts by claiming that Black people weren’t naturally inferior—rather, slavery had made them behave in inferior ways. Kendi claims that this oppression-inferiority thesis, while well-intentioned, is nonetheless a racist idea because it’s still rooted in the belief that one racial group is inferior to another.

Step 3: Stereotype formation. In Biased, psychologist Jennifer Eberhardt explains that some stereotypes take the form of implicit biases: unconscious biases we form when we associate a group of people with the category of “good” or “bad.” People with antiblack implicit biases sometimes unknowingly perpetuate antiblack stereotypes. Eberhart claims that there are ways for white people to recognize and put an end to these unconscious racial biases. One strategy is to seek out and listen to stories of others’ experiences with racism. As you empathize with storytellers, you develop an awareness of your own biases. A recent study found that empathy exercises such as this can reduce teachers’ antiblack bias.

Step 4: Further oppression. Psychologists emphasize that social roles factor into cycles of oppression. Due to stereotypes, people are more likely to fulfill some social roles over others, and those roles then reinforce the stereotypes that landed them there. This can make it hard for people to adopt social roles beyond those they’re stereotyped to have. For example, the stereotype that girls aren’t good at math and science may reduce the number of female scientists, and the low number of female scientists may further perpetuate the stereotype that girls aren’t good at math and science. According to some psychologists, policies that ensure people are equally distributed among social roles can uproot these stereotypes.

The Role of the Southern Media in Oppression

Furthermore, Griffin claims that Southern newspapers played a role in further perpetuating these antiblack stereotypes. These papers typically published stories about Black Southerners engaged in negative behaviors (such as sexual assault) and they usually failed to publish stories about Black Southerners’ positive behaviors (such as educational accomplishments). Additionally, Southern newspapers typically neglected to report instances of racism. These biased portrayals gave white readers the false impression that Black people were more hypersexual, criminal, and unintelligent than white people.

(Shortform note: Recently, several newspapers have apologized for the role they’ve played in perpetuating racist ideas (such as stereotypes) in the past. For instance, The Baltimore Sun published an editorial in which they apologized for the publication’s racist coverage of news events over the past 185 years. Their editorial addresses several of the issues Griffin raised about Southern newspapers: They apologize for publishing disproportionately more stories about Black crime than Black achievement, as well as emphasizing the views of police over those of Black people claiming that police targeted them. While some claim that such apologies are coming too late, others praise these papers for their efforts to make amends.)

Theme 3: Racial Progress Is Possible

Although Griffin emphasizes the challenges that hinder racial progress, he also claims that racial progress is possible. His time in Atlanta, Georgia reassured him that there was hope for Black Southerners in other cities if they followed Atlanta’s example. In this section, we’ll explore four of Griffin’s insights about hope for racial progress in the South.

Insight 1: Black Unity Was Possible

First, Griffin’s conversations with Atlanta’s leaders and citizens led him to conclude that Black people could build economic power through collaboration. For instance, several Black leaders in Atlanta pooled the community’s funds so Black residents could take out loans to buy homes.

(Shortform note: Recent data reveals that Black Atlantans are still fighting to build economic power through homeownership. Today, Black Atlantans are underrepresented in the city’s mortgage market. In a list of US cities with the lowest rates of Black homeownership, Atlanta ranks number seven. According to experts, income inequality in Atlanta may explain this gap: Black residents’ median household incomes lag nearly $20,000 behind the city’s median household income. The Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta recently formed a coalition to work with the city and its nonprofits to reduce the city’s racial homeownership gap.)

Insight 2: Black Colleges and Universities Improved the City

Second, Griffin contends that Black colleges and universities in Atlanta positively impacted the city’s Black community. These institutions, such as Morehouse College and Spelman College, encouraged their students to grapple with issues of racial inequity so they graduated well-equipped to fight it. Additionally, these institutions emphasized students’ responsibility to give back to their local communities after graduating.

(Shortform note: Today, HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities) in Atlanta claim that they continue to push their students to learn about racial justice. Morehouse and Spelman Colleges teach their students critical race theory, an examination of how ideas of race shape culture and policies. For instance, Spelman offers courses in the psychology of racism and engages students in research on reparations for slavery.)

Insight 3: An Honest Press Promoted Racial Equality

Third, Griffin claims that Atlanta’s city newspaper, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, honestly shared stories on racial inequality. According to Griffin, it promoted antiracist views under the leadership of its editor, Ralph McGill. This set it apart from many other newspapers in the South that published prejudiced stories about Black people and received funding from racist organizations.

(Shortform note: Historians support Griffin’s view that under the leadership of Ralph McGill, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution (AJC) was a source of news that supported the civil rights movement. However, Griffin doesn’t acknowledge that prior to McGill serving as editor, the newspaper spread racist ideas. McGill’s views on racism contrasted with those of Henry Grady, who in the 1880s edited The Atlanta Constitution (which was later part of a merger that resulted in the AJC). In Stamped From the Beginning, Ibram X. Kendi credits Grady with creating the idea of “separate but equal”—a doctrine that promoted racial segregation. Kendi argues that this idea paved the way for future racist policies.)

Insight 4: Atlanta’s Leaders Advocated for Black Rights

Finally, Griffin argues that many of Atlanta’s leaders supported policies that advanced Black lives. Some of these leaders were white: For example, Atlanta’s mayor, William Hartsfield, backed policies that supported racial equality. Many of Atlanta’s other leaders were Black business owners and civic leaders who involved themselves in politics so they could advocate for antiracism at the state and national levels. For instance, Democratic attorney A.T. Walden and Republican civic leader John Wesley Dobbs formed the Atlanta Negro Voters League, a bipartisan group that elected city and county leaders who supported racial justice.

Support for Anti-Racist Policies in Atlanta

Griffin emphasizes the fact that these leaders stood for racial progress because they supported antiracist policies. In How to Be an Antiracist, Ibram X. Kendi agrees that the key to ending racism is enacting antiracist policies. According to Kendi, antiracist policies are laws, rules, and processes that create or sustain racial equity.

Although Griffin names several Atlanta leaders who supported antiracist policies, he doesn’t describe their specific policies. Let’s examine several of the antiracist policies these leaders supported during the civil rights movement:

• A.T. Walden played a role in ensuring that black teachers in Atlanta earned the same amount as their white colleagues.

• John Wesley Dobbs organized an effort to hire eight Black policemen for Atlanta’s police force.

• Mayor Hartsfield supported the legal desegregation of Atlanta’s businesses when he ensured that charges were dropped against Martin Luther King Jr. and the students who participated in a sit-in that protested segregated restaurants.