In The Righteous Mind, moral psychologist Jonathan Haidt explains why liberals, conservatives, and libertarians all have different understandings of right and wrong. He argues that moral judgments are emotional, not logical—they are based on stories rather than reason. Consequently, liberals and conservatives lack a common language, and reason-based arguments about morality are ineffective. This leads to political polarization.
The Righteous Mind builds this argument on three basic principles:
To understand why morality is primarily intuitive, we first need to understand how morality evolved.
The question of where morality comes from has plagued scholars for centuries. One of the most common answers is that morality is innate. However, the truth is more complex.
In fact, morality is culture-dependent. For example, Westerners are unique in their prioritization of individual rights over the common good. The individualistic society, in which Westerners live now, is a product of the relatively recent Enlightenment. In individualistic societies, the role of society is to serve the individual. However, most societies subordinate the needs of the individual to the needs of the group—they are sociocentric.
Individualistic and sociocentric societies make different moral judgments. For example, in a sociocentric society, it might be morally wrong to move away from your family to pursue a promotion, whereas this is expected in an individualistic society. This shows that, contrary to what many people think, morality isn’t innate.
If morality is largely a cultural construct, do intuition or rationality play any part in moral decision-making? Yes, but their roles may surprise you.
The human mind functions something like an elephant with a rider on top. The elephant, which represents intuition, makes most of the decisions, guiding itself and the rider in different directions in response to all of the stimuli it takes in. The rider, or reason, can occasionally affect the elephant’s path a bit, but it’s mostly there to explain the decisions of the elephant after the elephant makes them. Moral reasoning is thus not a search for any empirical truth as much as it is a method by which we justify our moral decisions.
We only change our minds when people we respect talk to and appeal to our intuition. We’ll listen to them because we are social creatures who are desperate for the approval of our peers. Essentially, we care more about others thinking we’re doing the right thing than we do about actually doing the right thing.
The fact that we’re social creatures is key to understanding why we make the moral decisions we do. We act “morally” primarily because we fear the social ramifications of getting caught acting immorally—we behave in ways we know we could justify to others if we had to. In this sense, the purpose of moral reasoning is to help us advance socially, whether by maintaining our reputations as moral individuals or persuading others to take our side in conflicts. Consequently, we think much more like a politician trying to win over constituents than a scientist looking for truth. Five examples prove this point:
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Why is it so hard for us to get along? The Righteous Mind attempts to answer that question and better understand why hostile groups have different conceptions of what it means to be “right.”
Author Jonathan Haidt, a social psychologist, uses examples from history and studies of human nature to explore why we hold the moral beliefs we do and why moral values differ so dramatically across historical, geographical, and party lines.
Haidt agrees with Bible verse Matthew 7:3—he says we are all often self-righteous hypocrites. To understand ourselves and reach some form of enlightenment, we must drop our own moralism and examine the world through the lens of moral psychology, which states that people are governed by different moral frameworks. Consequently, we have trouble understanding humans with moral...
Clearly, we all define “morality” differently. But why are our beliefs about what’s right and wrong so different? To understand why morality is primarily intuitive, we first need to understand how morality evolved.
Moral psychologists ask where morality comes from and how kids learn what’s right and what’s wrong. The two clear answers are nature and nurture.
Moral psychologists argue that the answer is somewhere in between nativist and empiricist views. They put forth rationalism, the theory that knowledge comes from reason, not experience or intuition.
However, Haidt argues that this common theory is wrong as well. We’ll move through three common arguments for rationalist thought and three counterarguments that, according to Haidt, debunk the theories of rationalism:
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The last section demonstrated that we respond to stimuli first with our intuition and then use reasoning later to justify our response. This section will deepen that understanding and provide examples of why and how this happens.
We’ll begin with intuition and move on to reasoning.
In addition to Haidt’s experiments, there’s ample evidence that intuition comes before reasoning:
Consider times in your own life that your press secretary was working overtime.
Describe a time recently when you changed your mind about something (anything from a political opinion to how you felt about a restaurant’s service). What was the situation?
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In Part 1, we explored the rationalist principle that evaluates the morality of a behavior based on whether or not it causes harm. In Part 2, we’ll continue to question the validity of this principle and discuss the diverse foundations of people’s moralities.
Haidt argues that the rationalist’s narrow definition of morality is not only incorrect but dangerous. The attempt to ground society in just one moral principle, like preventing harm, leads to societies that are both unsatisfying and potentially inhumane because they ignore so many other moral principles. In fact, the righteous mind has six “taste receptors,” or foundational moral principles.
This section will first explain how popular Western theories about morality came to be and then discuss the different taste receptors and the principles associated with each.
We’ll use a graph to understand how our current misconceptions about morality came to be. Levels of empathy are on the Y-axis and levels of systemizing, or the ability to analyze the rules of the system, are on the X-axis....
Given that everyone has different proportions of the “taste receptors” of morality and thus different foundations, it’s useful to understand what yours are so you can better understand what you care about and how your morality differs from others.
Think of something that happened to you recently, or that you saw on television or on the street, that you thought was immoral. Describe the event here.
This is the best summary of How to Win Friends and Influence PeopleI've ever read. The way you explained the ideas and connected them to other books was amazing.
As Haidt began to conduct experiments and write opinions based on his five principles, he realized that liberals and conservatives understood the second principle, Fairness/cheating, differently. Liberals argued that conservatives don’t care about fairness because they don’t care about equal outcomes—for example, they don’t care whether every school district is equally well-funded. However, conservatives also argued that liberals don’t care about fairness in this case because they don’t care about proportional outcomes—for example, they don’t care that successful people have to pay a lot of their hard-earned money in taxes. Haidt realized that he needed a better definition of fairness, and with it a better definition of equality. This led him to create a sixth taste receptor.
The Fairness foundation is rooted in the wish to protect communities from cheaters, while the new foundation, Liberty/oppression, is about protecting society from cheaters. Fairness/cheating is about reciprocity, while Liberty/oppression is about a broader definition of equality.
The Liberty/oppression foundation rests on human nature....
As Haidt describes, sometimes politicians have trouble connecting with potential voters. We’ll endeavor to build a political advertisement that can connect better with voters.
What political advertisement or speech in the last two decades has resonated the most with you?
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At this point, you might believe that morality is primarily self-serving and blinds us to reality—we make decisions with our guts and then rationalize them so well we think we made them using reason; we cheat when we think no one will catch us and then convince ourselves we’re honest; we care more about others thinking we’re doing the right thing than we do about actually doing the right thing.
But this portrait of morality based solely on self-interest isn’t complete. In addition to being selfish, people are also groupish. We love to join groups—teams, clubs, political parties, religions, and so on. We are so happy to work with lots of others towards a common goal that we must be built for teamwork. We can’t fully understand morality until we understand the origin and implications of our groupish behavior and how our moralities bind us together, as well as blind us. The principle that morality both “binds and blinds” us is the focus of Part 3, and this chapter will explain how we’ve evolved to work together for the betterment of the whole.
Our minds work to protect our own interests (selfish) but also the interests of a group that competes...
What situations bring out the 10% of us that’s bee rather than chimp? This section will help to answer that question and explain how “hives” of people coalesce. It will also give examples of specific situations in which we might be more likely to feel groupish.
So, in what ways can we be groupish in practice? Thousands of years of recorded history show that men at war are more willing to risk their lives for their comrades in the army than for any country or ideal. In the heat of battle, the “I” turns into a “we,” and if an individual dies, he lives on in the form of his comrades who survived.
We are hive creatures, but only in certain situations. Our hivemind tendencies are conditional on our surroundings. There’s a “switch” that will turn this tendency on and off—when it’s on, we’ll transcend self-interest.
In order to flip that switch from off to on to off again, we must be programmed to be able to put the group first. Émile Durkheim argued that humans have a group of sentiments that allow us to exist as an individual and another group of sentiments that allow us to exist as part of a group. These two groups of...
This is the best summary of How to Win Friends and Influence PeopleI've ever read. The way you explained the ideas and connected them to other books was amazing.
So far, we’ve discussed the importance of community in finding our foundations and our hives. One of the strongest communities—that’s sometimes dismissed as an unthinking cult by many on the left—is a religious community. Religion doesn’t exist only in churches or mosques—it’s all around us and doesn’t always have a traditional “God” at its head.
This chapter will explain that religion doesn’t always have that much to do with explaining the universe, as many people think. Rather, it provides the social fabric that binds people together.
A college football game is analogous to the community that’s built around religion. Students and alumni dress up and participate in rituals that have been around for decades if not a century. From the outside, it looks costly and purposeless if not dangerous. But thinking about it from a sociological perspective, it brings people into a hive where they’re worshiping something greater than themselves. It changes people’s experience with a school, which in turn leads to more donations and a better experience for everyone in the community.
Many people don’t understand religion because they focus on the spiritual and supernatural beliefs...
People’s groupish behavior, along with their commitment to their moral matrices, can lead them into a blind defense of an ideology or a political party. This chapter is about how we can make better arguments and have more productive conversations with one another.
There’s significant evidence that we are understanding each other worse than ever. America is polarizing rapidly, with the gap widening between political opinions on the left and the right. There’s been a decline in the number of people who self-identify as centrist and a corresponding rise in those who identify as liberal and conservative. So, how can we learn to talk to one another better?
A Note on Political Diversity: This chapter will focus on the liberal to conservative scale and the psychology of “liberals” and “conservatives.” Many people in the U.S. don’t characterize themselves as a member of either major party and don’t reduce ideology to one dimension. Most people, though, are able to place themselves on the liberal to conservative axis, even if they don’t identify as a Republican or a Democrat.
Before we can understand how liberals and...
This is the best summary of How to Win Friends and Influence PeopleI've ever read. The way you explained the ideas and connected them to other books was amazing.