Dive into the latest episode of "Strict Scrutiny," where hosts Melissa Murray, Leah Litman, and Kate Shaw dissect the Supreme Court’s recent unanimous decision regarding the qualifications of candidates under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. A focal point of discussion is the ruling on states' inability to disqualify candidates, notably Donald Trump, from election ballots. The episode unpacks the complexities and controversies surrounding the court's decision, exploring the implications of the court's interpretation and the potential motivations behind the timing of this contentious ruling.
As the discourse unfolds, the trio of legal experts examines the broader ramifications for Congress's authority to enforce Section 3 and the ramifications of setting a precedent that may hinder congressional efforts to disqualify insurrectionists. The hosts juxtapose the ruling’s minimalistic approach to the January 6th insurrection against the detailed objections of the court's Democratic appointees, revealing a stark division in judicial perspective. "Strict Scrutiny" challenges its listeners to contemplate the balance of power between the judiciary, Congress, and the broader impact on America’s electoral integrity.
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The Supreme Court has unanimously determined that states do not have the authority under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment to disqualify candidates, including Donald Trump, from ballots. The decision has sparked controversy, with critics claiming that the court has potentially overreached and limited Congressional power. Particularly, apprehensions have been raised that the court's interpretation of Congress's exclusive right to remove such a disqualification by two-thirds vote is contrary to the plain meaning of the text, with the timing of this decision being questioned in relation to the urgency of the upcoming election cycle. Accusations suggest the court's majority may have acted with intention to indirectly protect Trump, possibly shadow banning the amendment by restricting disqualification solely to congressional action.
Concerns are voiced regarding the potential impact of the Supreme Court decision on the future enforcement of Section 3. The decision constrains Congress by setting a precedent that upholds significant limitations on its ability to disqualify insurrectionists, which includes demands of congruence and proportionality. It is suggested that these constraints could render Congressional efforts futile unless a two-thirds majority is achieved to pass relevant legislation. Historically, Congress has had the authority to determine qualifications and exclude insurrectionists without specific laws, creating tension with the Court's current stance. Critics worry that the Supreme Court is arrogating power over the Reconstruction Amendments, with the potential to invalidate future Congressional legislation aimed at disqualifying candidates like Trump, essentially stripping Congress and the courts of the ability to enforce Section 3 effectively.
The majority opinion of the Supreme Court has been criticized for seemingly minimizing the January 6th attack in considering the enforcement of Section 3. Critics assert that the limited reference to January 6th in the ruling diminishes its constitutional significance. Furthermore, there are concerns that the ruling obscures Congress's powers, questioning the court's recognition of Section 3's broader application beyond the post-Civil War context. The differentiation between the majority's scant reference and the detailed perspective of the three Democratic appointees exemplifies a divide in how seriously the court views the implications of the January 6th insurrection on the applicability of Section 3. The expeditious manner of the court's decision has added to fears that the significance of such events is being downplayed in the judicial consideration of constitutional safeguards.
1-Page Summary
The Supreme Court has ruled that states lack the authority to disqualify candidates, such as Donald Trump, from the ballot under Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. This unanimous decision revealed a divide in the Court's reasoning, leading to criticism of overreach and potential protection of Trump.
Criticism has been leveled at the majority for potentially overreaching and limiting Congress's power under the Reconstruction amendments. The Court, through a per curiam opinion, stated that the power to disqualify insurrectionists lies solely with Congress, but it also suggested there are substantial limits on how Congress can do so. Democratic appointees hint at the possibility that the Court is acting to favor Donald Trump, connecting the timeline of this decision with the granting of certiorari in the Trump immunity appeal concerning January 6.
Shaw and Litman question the Court's interpretation of Section 3, notably the logic behind the Court's language concerning Congress's exclusive right to remove such a disqualification by a two-thirds vote. They view the interpretation as illogical and contrary to the text's plain meaning, pointing out that the legal declaration made by the Court conflicts with logical understanding. Moreover, they criticize the speed of the decision in relation to its perceived flawed logic and reasoning.
The ruling's rapid issuance suggests the Court's awareness of the election timeline, which has raised questions about the timing of the decision in relation to the upcoming election. The majority's view on enforcing Section 3 has been criticized for seemingly "shadow banning" the amendment by limiting disqualification of officeholders to congressional legislation.
Murray observes the Supreme Court's history of diminishing Congress's legislative actions and enhancing its absence of ...
Supreme Court ruling states lack authority to disqualify candidates under Section 3
In their discussion, Leah Litman and Melissa Murray voice concerns about recent Supreme Court decisions that may hinder the enforcement of Section 3 of the 14th Amendment regarding the disqualification of candidates who have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States.
Leah Litman reflects on the troubling possibility that even if Congress passed legislation to disqualify former President Trump, the Supreme Court might strike it down, suggesting there are at least two votes on the Court against such legislation. This notion is based on the decision that establishes substantial limits on how Congress can disqualify insurrectionists, with a required standard of congruence and proportionality.
The speakers propose that the Supreme Court’s decision could prevent Congress from disqualifying candidates in the future by dictating the conditions under which Congress's power should be exercised. The Court has indicated that disqualifying federal officeholders under Section 3 would need federal legislation, potentially tying Congress’s hands unless a two-thirds majority is secured.
Shaw questions the alignment of historical practices, such as Congress determining the qualifications of its members and excluding insurrectionists without specific legislation, with the Court's interpretation.
Melissa Murray points out that the Supreme Court has a history of invalidating legislation that Congress enacted under Section 5 of the 14th Amendment, implying that there may be constraints on Congress regarding the disqualification of candidates due to the Court's interpretation of what kind of laws Congress is permitted to enact.
Litman speculates that the current Supreme Court could find congressional legislation disqualifying Trump inconsistent with the Court's understanding of Section 3, making it non-remed ...
Impact on enforcing Section 3 in future
In the discussion, Murray critiques the majority opinion of the Supreme Court for appearing to minimize the significance of the January 6th attack and its relevance in the context of enforcing Section 3 of the 14th Amendment. This criticism is rooted in the argument that the court's opinion, which referenced January 6th in a limited manner, implies a reduction of the incident's constitutional importance.
Melissa Murray emphasized that the intent behind Section 3 was to address insurrectionists more broadly, rather than specifically former Confederates, which she believes the court failed to acknowledge sufficiently. Shaw raised concerns about the ambiguity of the ruling, questioning whether the court's opinion limits Congress's ability to disqualify an insurrectionist during its counting functions, such as the joint session which was the target on January 6th.
The contrast drawn between the majority's minimal discuss ...
Court minimizing January 6th attack and role of Section 3
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