In the latest episode of Rachel Maddow Presents: Déjà News, the discussion centers on the profound impact of presidential elections on shaping the Supreme Court. Lawrence O'Donnell is joined by guests who outline how Republican presidents played a pivotal role in nominating the conservative justices responsible for overturning Roe v. Wade.
The episode also examines the historical context behind Donald Trump's claims of presidential immunity from criminal prosecution. Scholars and legal experts analyze the Founding Fathers' intent to limit executive power and ensure accountability, providing a compelling counterpoint to Trump's assertions.
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The transformative effect of presidential elections on the U.S. Supreme Court has recently been highlighted, especially with the court's decision to overturn Roe v. Wade. According to Lawrence O'Donnell, Sheldon Whitehouse, Tammy Baldwin, and Neal Katyal, this is a direct result of the justices selected by previous Republican presidents.
Neal Katyal and Sheldon Whitehouse discuss the plan Republicans have executed over decades to gain control over the Supreme Court. The Federalist Society plays a key role in vetting judicial nominees to align with conservative goals. A notable instance was the withdrawal of Harriet Meyers's nomination during George W. Bush's presidency, instead nominating Samuel Alito, which Whitehouse criticizes as a move orchestrated by right-wing billionaires and far-right pressures, to decisively shape the court.
The Republican strategy to reshape the courts dates back to the aftermath of the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, which led to the formation of the Federalist Society. Katyal notes this organization actively influences the selection of justices, ensuring the far right's objectives are fulfilled through these appointments.
Whitehouse reproaches how right-wing billionaires sway Republican Party decisions, including Supreme Court nominations. These financial backers, he suggests, are responsible for the court consistently upholding the Republican agenda through the influence of funded groups and Amici Curiae briefs.
O'Donnell states that the appointing of Supreme Court justices by Republican Presidents George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump is deeply rooted in the outcomes of presidential and Senate elections. The selection of justices like Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito fostered a conservative dominance which continues to shape American law.
The nominations made by Presidents Bush Sr., Bush Jr., and Trump were instrumental in creating the current conservative majority in the court, a reality that manifested in pivotal rulings like the overturning of Roe v. Wade.
Katyal emphasizes the long-lasting implications that Supreme Court appointments have due to lifelong tenures. He claims Democrats have not given the courts the same priority as Republicans, which has allowed the latter to secure a strong hold in the judiciary. Baldwin underlines the importance of voting, tying it to legislative initiatives such as the Women's Health Protection Act, and signaling how President Biden's appointment of justices like Katanji Brown Jackson could similarly have lasting effects.
The importance of recognizing the enduring influence of presidential elections on the judicial branch is clearly underlined, as these past votes were consequential in setting the stage for significant decisions like the reversal of Roe v. Wade.
A cohort of historians and legal scholars have presented a 34-page brief to the Supreme Court, expressly opposing Donald Trump's assertion of presidential immunity from criminal prosecution, as it lacks constitutional merit.
The brief emphasizes that the framers of the Constitution aimed to create an executive distinct from monarchical power, ensuring the president possessed no role in elections or power transitions. There were clear assurances that the president would not be an elected monarch and democratic norms and peaceful power transfers should be upheld.
The historical account shows no evidence that the framers intended a former president to be immune from prosecution. To support Trump's immunity claim would disrupt the constitutional balance, allowing a president to subvert the will of the people. Neal Katyal underscores that the Constitution doesn't put the president above the law, and even Trump's lawyer has conceded that a president could face indictment after leaving office.
The brief asserts that the founding generation did not envision an ex-president to retain a special status after their term. Stanford history professor Jack Rakove stresses the importance of conveying the framers' intent to limit executive power based on British and American political thought at the time. It was crucial to balance granting power to the executive while ensuring checks were in place. Rakove contrasts this historical dedication to constraining executive power with the recent false claims of broad presidential immunity.
1-Page Summary
Lawrence O'Donnell, Sheldon Whitehouse, Tammy Baldwin, and Neal Katyal discuss the transformative power of presidential elections on the United States Supreme Court, particularly in light of the court's overturning of Roe v. Wade.
The long-term Republican plan to control the Supreme Court started taking shape with the Federalist Society vetting Republican judicial nominees, and right-wing billionaires dominating the party’s direction, including Supreme Court nominations. Sheldon Whitehouse highlights an incident during George W. Bush's presidency when under far-right and billionaire pressure, Harriet Meyers's nomination was withdrawn and replaced with Sam Alito, shaping the court decisively.
Neal Katyal specifically mentions that following the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, Republicans launched the Federalist Society and moved actively to change the courts' configuration. The justices have often been picked by the Federalist Society, aiming to fulfill the far right's objectives.
Sheldon Whitehouse criticizes Republicans for letting right-wing billionaires manipulate party decisions. The Supreme Court has been continuously delivering on the Republican agenda, with direction from billionaire-funded groups and Amici Curiae brief influences.
O'Donnell articulates how the selection of Supreme Court justices by past Republican presidents such as George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush, and Donald Trump is a direct result of presidential and Senate elections. He emphasizes the enduring influence of these justices with decisions like overturning Roe v. Wade extending well beyond a president's term.
Presidents Bush Sr., Bush Jr., and Trump had significant impacts on the Supreme Court's balance by nominating justices like Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito, leading to a conservative majority. These nominations have critically shaped American law, as evident in the overturn ...
The conservative Supreme Court majority overturning Roe v. Wade
Historians and scholars, including Stanford history professor Jack Rakove, have filed a 34-page brief with the Supreme Court opposing Donald Trump's claim of presidential immunity from criminal prosecution, stating it appears nowhere in the Constitution.
The historian's brief makes several key points, stressing that early Americans possessed a deep antipathy to executive power. It points out that the founders at the Constitutional Convention sought to create an executive without the powers and privileges of a king. The brief highlights that the framers never intended for the president to have a role in elections or the transfer of power. Moreover, it is emphasized that the few privileges granted to constitutional offices were intentionally limited.
Advocates for the new Constitution assured states ratifying the document that the new president would not resemble an elected monarch, seeking to preserve democratic norms and the peaceful transfer of power free from executive overreach.
The historical record does not show any evidence that framers believed a former president should be immune from criminal prosecution; such a belief would be in direct contradiction with the intentions and experiences of the founding generation. Granting Trump immunity for the alleged crimes would be considered abhorrent to the framers, as it would disrupt the constitutional balance and aid a president in overriding the will of the people.
Neal Katyal, referring to Trump's claim of being above the law, states that this notion goes against the Constitution. He mentions that even Trump's own lawyer acknowledged a president could be criminally indicted after leaving office, which means that the president is not above the law.
The brief to the Supreme Court clarifies that the founding generation intended for the president to return to civilian life without any special status after his term, much like any other citizen, reinforcing that the concept of the presidency was not designed to mimic kingship.
Rakove elaborates on the framers' specific ...
Donald Trump falsely claiming presidential immunity from criminal prosecution
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