In 'Midnight in Moscow,' a U.S. ambassador recounts his time in Russia

Vladimir Putin exudes a persona both publicly and personally that is greatly influenced by his background in the KGB. His demeanor, actions, and self-identification reveal a leader who resonates with the power and control emblematic of Soviet-era secret police.

Putin presents himself as a ruthless and confident ex-KGB agent, but in person, he speaks softly and appears to be in complete control of the situation.

Putin does not come across as blustery; instead, he carries himself with a subtle yet unmistakable assurance of power. He typically exhibits lateness and controls conversations, reinforcing his dominance in any given situation. His posture, often described as a swagger, includes a distinct stance with his right hand close to his hip—a mannerism thought to be a remnant of his KGB training—which gives off an air of being a "classy gangster".

Putin takes pride in identifying as a "Chekist", referring to the founders of the Soviet-era secret police, which he sees as a lifelong membership.

There is a profound pride that Putin takes in his association with the Chekists, embracing their legacy as part of his own identity. The Cheka, established by Lenin, were the original secret police of the So ...

The historical and cultural roots of the Chekists, and later the KGB, are deeply interwoven within the fabric of Russian history, painting a picture of these organizations as the relentless defenders of the Soviet state's ideologies.

The Chekists, and later the KGB, are deeply ingrained in Russian history and culture, with a reputation for being ruthless enforcers of the revolution and the Soviet state.

The Cheka, known as the original Soviet security agency formed after the October Revolution, evolved into the KGB and has long been associated with the enforcement of Soviet power. Their reputation for ruthlessness in safeguarding communist rule and suppressing dissent has cemented their place in history as symbols of fear and control. These agencies have become an inseparable part of Russia's cultural narrative, reflective of the nation's turbulent political passages and shifts in governance.

The Chekists and KGB are associated with wearing distinctive black leather coats, which has become a symbol of their power and authority.

One of the most iconic and enduring images of the Chekists, and the KGB agents that followed, is the distinctive black leather coats they wore. This attire has transcended mere clothing to become a powerful symbol of their authority and the often-unchecked power they wielded. The black leather coat still resonates in the collective memory of the Russian people, a representation of both the might of the security apparatus and the dark shadow these organizations cast over the Soviet era.

Putin, who came from the KGB, sees membership in the Chekists/KGB as a lifelong commitment, and he believes there is no such thing as a "former KGB man".

President Vladimir Putin, whose career began in the KGB, is the embodiment of the belief that service in the organization is not merely a job, but a lifelong commitment and a critical part of an individual's identity. In Putin's Russia, this credence endures as he frequently emphasizes that there are no "former KGB men," indicating a perpetual bond among those who have s ...

The daily life of John J. Sullivan, the U.S. ambassador to Russia, is clouded with constant surveillance and interference from Russian state apparatus. His experiences showcase the extensive lengths to which Russian security services go to ensure they maintain access to information and hinder U.S. diplomatic operations.

As the U.S. ambassador to Russia, John Sullivan had to navigate the Russian state apparatus, which was constantly monitoring and interfering with his activities.

Sullivan attempted to purchase a new iPad in Moscow when his old one, vital for connecting with his family, stopped working. He was met with an unusual situation at the electronics store: stacks of the product he wished to purchase were clearly on display, yet the store clerk informed him he could not purchase one immediately. Sullivan recognized this delay as a tactic by the Russian security services to arrange the time necessary to equip the iPad for surveillance before it reached his hands.

Sullivan's attempt to purchase a new iPad in Moscow was thwarted by the Russian security services, who clearly recognized him and wanted to ensure they could access the device for surveillance purposes.

This incident is telling of the broad scope and relentlessness of surveillance conducted by Russian security services. Such actions are not just invasive but also disrupt the basic daily functions and personal freedoms of diplomats.

The U.S. embassy in Moscow is heavily monitored by the Russian security services, with thousands of officers dedicated to this task, making it difficult for U.S. diplomats to operate freely.

It is not only in the acquisition of electronics that Sullivan and his embassy staff experience the watchful eye of Russian intelligence. The Russian government sustains an extensive network of FSB and counterintelligence officers, estimated to be between seven and 10,000-s ...

Sullivan underscores the importance of a decisive U.S. strategy for curbing Russian aggression, highlighting the critical link to national defense and the necessity of a comprehensive, long-term approach.

Stopping Russian aggression in Ukraine is vital to the defense of the United States, and the U.S. strategy must go beyond just the war in Ukraine to a broader, long-term approach to containing Russian aggression.

Sullivan insists that halting Russian aggression, particularly in Ukraine, is vital not just for the region but also for the defense of the United States itself. This necessity signifies that the United States must integrate the containment of Russian aggression as a staple in its budgeting and strategic defense planning.

The U.S. must incorporate the containment of Russian aggression into its budgeting and strategic planning, recognizing that it is a critical component of national defense.

Sullivan advocates for a comprehensive strategy that embeds Russian aggression containment into the budgeting and strategic planning processes of the United States' national defense.

The U.S. cannot ignore Russian aggression, as it has done in the past, because it will not stop on its own and will only continue to escalate.

Sullivan points to historical precedents to argue that ignoring large-scale conflicts in Europe does not work. He implies that disengagement or non-engagement strategies historic ...